Dispatches

A Struggle for Freedom

A Struggle for Freedom

Photo by Dana Elborno from The Electronic Intifada

It was amazing: groups of foreign activists choosing to jet across the ocean and slam into the Cairene security forces (by now open collaborators in tending to Gaza’s prison wall). The Gaza Freedom March saw thousands of people exposing themselves to beating, bloodying, arrest … the physical force of state power. The last time this happened in such numbers was 70 years ago, when the Spanish Republic fought desperately against Franco’s military junta on the battlefields of the Spanish Civil War. And 70 years ago, too, the fascists received aid from imperial powers while the Republicans made do with immiserated or capricious allies.

In Cairo, Egypt, a year after Israel’s Cast Lead winter massacre – during which Israel slaughtered 1,400 Palestinians – 1,400 internationals came to Cairo. They came from the West, and they came from the global South. They flew across the Atlantic and Pacific oceans and the Mediterranean basin. Even after the Egyptian government announced that the Gaza Freedom March didn’t have a chance of entering the Gaza Strip, they came from the world over. When Egypt’s authoritarian regime resorted to the manifold, abrasive, spirit-killers that permeate its security institutions and its bureaucracy, the participants of the Gaza Freedom March weren’t cowed. We did not listen.

We went to Egypt, with its security force of over a million, and demonstrated. French dissidents occupied the ground in front of their own embassy. Others were arrested or threatened with deportation. Others were beat in the streets. It was an atypical struggle. Not for domestic social reforms but for something else. It was a struggle for the freedom of 1.4 million Gazans ringed behind razor wire. A struggle for the freedom of the Palestinians, a ghettoized people facing one of the world’s strongest militaries on three of its frontiers and a massive militarized police state on its fourth.

The Gaza Freedom March should rightly blaze bright; its light won’t soon fade. International solidarity efforts are still waxing – the Palestine solidarity movement has mounted a series of stunning campaigns in reaction to the territorial fragmentation of Palestine. Flotillas of freedom ships continue to arrive from Cyprus. Viva Palestina moves over land and through sea, fighting off Egyptian riot police with stones and barricades.

The Gaza Freedom March took another route. Massive nonviolent civil disobedience targeting the core Arab partner in the blockade of Gaza: Mubarak’s dictatorship, which is now constructing a steel wall 30 meters deep in the dirt and sand between Egypt and Gaza. We inserted ourselves directly into that state’s security matrix, making front-page news across the Arab world in a series of increasingly spectacular direct actions, fighting a next-generation war – not a war of movement on Catalonian and Astourian battlefields but a media war. We fought for information, visibility, symbolic legitimacy, putting a claim on the world’s attention that couldn’t be ignored, that wasn’t ignored.

The tactical victory has also been pedagogical. No modern war has been truly fought simply within national borders, and the Palestinian fight for survival has been no different. So we’ve made it clear, if it wasn’t before, that if the stolen bankroll of the Empire stands behind Zionism, the world’s peoples stand behind Palestine.

But the vise tightens. High-visibility mobilizations like the Gaza Freedom March can’t be campaigns in a failed war, not when the struggle isn’t for democracy but against politicide, not when failure is so unimaginable. The Cairo Declaration against Israeli apartheid, drafted by core international organizers, brings those facts into stark relief, and enjoins the movements’ passive supporters – the world – to rise up. The moment is now.


Max Ajl

I Will Work Harder

I Will Work Harder

Photo by by sladewalters on Flickr

In South Korea the economy is seen to be recovering, but that is just one part of the process of healing from the economic crisis. The psychological side of the crisis is rarely discussed. It defies diminution into growth rates and statistics. There are deep, difficult to detect scars on the South Korean people. The country has an extensive history of tragedy that has never been thoroughly addressed. It suffered through colonial occupation and a brutal civil war. It remains divided.

By nearly any measure, South Korea’s economic development has been stunningly successful. It’s gone from being one of the world’s poorest countries 50 years ago to one of its richest today. It boasts multiple internationally competitive companies and a strong domestic market.

The country’s government and major financial institutions are forecasting a healthy growth rate of 5% for next year. In our economic analysis, we have come to rely mainly on figures that indicate the health of elite institutions. With some celebrating the end of the crisis, recovery has yet to trickle down to many regular people. Unemployment is still a huge issue. According to the state-run agency Statistics Korea, 2009 will see the biggest one-year decline in youth employment since 1998, when the total number of jobs fell 598,000 from the previous year. Much of South Korea’s recovery can be attributed to government stimulus plans. When that money runs out next year there will be a real possibility of a double-dip recession. Given the government’s fiscal situation, there will be no funds available for another stimulus package.

South Korean president Lee Myung-bak is nicknamed “the bulldozer.” Before entering politics he was the CEO of Hyundai’s construction division, and he retains close ties to the industry. It’s therefore unsurprising that much of the government’s stimulus package has been comprised of new construction projects. South Korea is already one of the world’s most developed countries. Little is accomplished by piling concrete over concrete and steel on steel.

The economy is not the problem – it’s not what holds the country back from taking the more influential global position it craves. Material comforts have failed to bring full happiness to this country. South Koreans work longer hours than people in any other OECD country. The country’s education system is arguably the most demanding in the world, placing young people under massive pressure.

The South Korean concept of success is narrow: a degree from one of a few elite universities, employment at a major corporation, marriage to a tall, thin spouse with large eyes and a small face.

Figure skater Yu-na Kim and South Korean female pop groups have enjoyed massive popularity over the past year, according to a report by Samsung Economic Research Institute. As opportunities vanish, South Koreans have retreated into the illusion of fame. The example of celebrity shows it is possible to thrive amid misery.

The nation was shaken on May 23, 2009, when former President Roh Moo-hyun threw himself off a cliff near his home in the country’s mountainous south. He had been implicated in a corruption scandal that involved his friends and associates. His death would have been even more shocking had it been exceptional. In spite of an avowed Confucian aversion to the practice, South Korea has the highest suicide rate of the OECD countries. It takes place disproportionately among those who make it to the top of South Korean society.

These topics are rarely breached in the media or in polite conversation. South Korea is a country where blunt expression is dangerous, lest the fragile sentiments of those within earshot be offended. It is then routinely the speaker who is held at fault, regardless of the content of their statement. There was uproar in the fall of 2009 when a 20-year-old university student said during a television talk show she thought that men shorter than 180cm were “losers.” The comment became a national controversy. Men claimed great psychological damage across the country. Repeated attempts were made to punish the young woman under South Korean law.

It is expected that a recovered economy will cure all. But it is the other areas of society that need attention. For a real recovery to take place, South Koreans need to broaden the scope of how the country’s health is determined. Full recovery will not be found in improving GDP figures, but in more attention to the neglected sides of existence: art, culture and time to think.

The Korean concepts of yeolsimhi (work your hardest) and ballee ballee (hurry, hurry) are called upon during difficult times. Koreans are determined to improve the current crisis with more of the same.

The diligent but simplistic Boxer in Orwell’s Animal Farm faces every challenge with the mantra “I will work harder.” He eventually collapses from overwork.


Steven Borowiec is a writer based in Seoul. More of his work can be found at www.stevenborowiec.blogspot.com

Enduring Anarchy

Enduring Anarchy

Image from justseeds.org.

What is anarchy? What images does it bring to mind: squatters, violence, the recent events in Greece? A green Mohawk, combat boots, Barcelona? Anarchy is defined by Merriam-Webster’s dictionary as: absence of government; a state of lawlessness or political disorder due to the absence of governmental authority; a utopian society of individuals who enjoy complete freedom without government.

It is possible to argue that over the last 100 plus years, Barcelona has realized Merriam’s definitions by being both a state of disorder and a utopian society. Few people, Catalan or foreigner, are aware of Barcelona’s deep anarchist roots. This ideology, which at one time dominated the city, is still alive in Barcelona’s counterculture but has been forgotten by most of the rest of society.

History of Anarchy in Barcelona

In the 1930s in Barcelona (and indeed in other regions of Spain), anarchy was a respectable political dogma to which the majority of people subscribed. The same organization represented anarchy then as today: the Confederación Nacional de Trabajo (CNT). In 1931 the powerful anarchist organization had a huge membership of around 400,000 in Catalonia alone, which was mostly comprised of blue-collar workers.

The anarchists made a huge contribution to the Republicans during the Spanish Civil War, and are remembered as being brave fighters on the front. As George Orwell, who fought with the anarchists in the war, put it in his book Homage to Catalonia, “In Catalonia for the first few months, most of the actual power was in the hands of the Anarcho-Syndicalists, who controlled most of the key industries. The thing that happened in Spain was, in fact, not merely a civil war, but the beginning of a revolution.”

Barcelonese eco-anarchist Dídac S. Costa agrees with Orwell and told the Metropolitan that, “The CNT is the central body of a certain type of anarchism, syndicated anarchy, which historically had the most overall power in Spain and perhaps internationally too because of what they accomplished in the 1930s.”

Costa and Orwell are right. The 1930s were the glory days for anarchy in Barcelona, and those were certainly revolutionary times. After Franco won the war, however, anarchy and its followers were all but exterminated and driven into exile, a defeat from which they never quite recovered. The history of anarchy in Barcelona is a complex one, which could be why so much of it has been forgotten by society. There are a few key dates that are important to keep in mind when considering anarchy in Spain:

1873-1900: Farmers fed up with inequality begin to rise up in rural areas of Spain. The first seeds of anarchy are planted.

1907: Anarchist newspaper El Solidaridad is founded in Barcelona.

1909: The Tragic Week – a series of bloody confrontations occur between the army and the working classes throughout Catalonia – takes place.

1910: The CNT is created in Barcelona for workers, beginning syndicated anarchy in the region.

1930s: Anarchy enjoys widespread popularity and the CNT collectivizes Barcelona, from public transport to the telephone company.

1936: Federica Montseny becomes the first female anarchist minister in Western Europe.

1936-1939: Anarchists fight against fascism. Homage to Catalonia by George Orwell is based on time he spent with anarchists during this era.

1939-43: The Republic loses and Franco subsequently executes thousands of anarchists. The CNT becomes illegal and operates secretly in Spain and in France.

1960: Militant anarchists called Maquis use violence to combat Francismo. They are mostly unsuccessful and many of them die.

1975: Franco dies and CNT members come out of hiding.

1977: The Mitin de Montjuic occurs: 300,000 people come together in support of the CNT on Montjuic Mountain in Barcelona. Federica Montseny returns from exile.

1979: The CNT splits into two groups: the CNT, which has more traditional anarchist values and the Confederación Gerneral de Trabajo (CGT), which differs from the CNT in that it participates in elections.

2009: The CNT continues to survive with a mere 7,000 (aprox) members nationally. The CGT is much more popular. Anarchy in Barcelona is fractured and lacks the unity needed for real impact.

“It is impossible to understand Barcelona without understanding its anarchist past,” Mateo Rello recently told the Metropolitan. Mateo is the editor of the anarchist newspaper Solidaridad Obrera, often referred to as El Soli. The paper, which represents the CNT, was founded in 1907 and has been bringing anarchist news to Barcelona for over one hundred years. Rello, like the other thousand people working for the CNT in Barcelona, is a volunteer with a day job. Because the CNT is completely independent it does not take money from the Spanish government, private parties fund it.

When asked about how the CNT manages to keep its doors open in these tough financial times, Mateo says: “It’s not easy. We hold many events to fundraise but it’s difficult.” Besides a host of gatherings, talks, presentations and classes each month, the CNT also has a bookshop, Llibreria La Rosa de Foc.

Mateo estimates that there are about 7,000 registered CNT anarchists throughout all of Spain. That’s not too many when considering what membership used to be. The CNT is still largely associated with the violence of the 1970s and 1980s, and because of this many people in Barcelona are uninterested in the CNT or have a negative impression of it.

The other problem has been internal bickering between the CNT and the CGT. The CNT represents a more “pure” anarchist viewpoint, while its offshoot, the CGT, has more supporters nationally (15,000) but breaks some key rules of anarchy by participating in political elections. The CNT sees the CGT’s electoral participation as anti-anarchism, and the two groups have been arguing since their split 30 years ago. Mateo and others hope that steps can be taken to heal old wounds between the two groups, and that positive collaboration is on the horizon.

In the meantime, the CNT continues to try and educate people about the history of anarchy in Spain. The CNT also continues to fight, as it always has, for the rights of the worker, representing those who are displaced or ignored in society. The CNT’s hot issues these days are immigration (specifically getting work visas for immigrants), the Bolonia Plan and organizing boycotts against big businesses such as Mercadona.

While the CNT was the leading representative of anarchy in 20th century Spain, some would say that it’s nothing more than a symbol of the past and not up to date with the current anarchist movement.

In Homage to Catalonia George Orwell wrote: “Anarchism is deeply rooted in Spain and is likely outlive Communism when the Russian influence is withdrawn.” Written in 1938, this prediction was, in some senses, correct. Although the anarchy in Barcelona today is nothing like the revolution that Orwell witnessed, it is still present and a dynamic force in the city. Over the years the way anarchy has morphed and divided, adopting different labels and causes along the way. What has persevered is the spirit of the philosophy: the concept that human beings are able to decide what is best for them without government interference. Radical? Yes it is. But it was once a real possibility in Barcelona, and though it may never be adopted again as it was in the 1930’s, it is a part of the city’s history that is too important to be forgotten.

Regina Winkle-Bryan lives in Barcelona and writes on all things Spain. Barcelona’s anarchical spirit and non-conventional attitude regarding art, culture and politics have always fascinated her. Read more of her thoughts on Spanish and Catalan culture at: www.thespainscoop.com and www.regwb.com.

Pakistan

Pakistan

Today I want to hide in pop culture. Read books, read magazines, read catalogues, read stories, read about other people’s self-help techniques for combating loneliness, self-esteem issues, weight-gain, whatever. Today I want to suppress. I want to suppress the pains that are crawling up from the pit of my stomach and stinging me – and inevitably stinging the little fetus that should be happily swimming in my womb. I keep thinking of lines from movies: “Rome is burning,” “Tara is burning.” No, Pakistan is burning. It is ablaze. And more bombs will not put out the fire.

Today my niece wakes up in Islamabad and refuses to go to school. Her mother argues with her at the dining table, over toast and marmalade. “You have to go to school.” My niece shakes her head, her thick, black pigtails swinging. She is dressed in her crisp school uniform, her hair is neatly parted exposing a straight yellow line of scalp. She knows this is her last chance to stay home from school. She bursts into tears and her mother sighs: “Why, why do you refuse to go to school? You love school.” “What if a bomb explodes,” she answers. “We don’t have the big security guards that the American school has. If a bomb explodes, my head will be lying there (she gestures to the right) and my legs will be lying there (she gestures to the left) and you won’t even be able to find my middles. How will you put me together again?” She cries some more. My sister, her eyes tired, her fingers sticky, pretends. It’s not like she hasn’t thought about this before. It’s not like she doesn’t freak out every time they are in a traffic jam, planning secret routes of escape in case something explodes somewhere. She’s petrified about sending her daughter off. But mothers don’t show fear – they tell their children to go to school. I make a mental note of this for my future baby and me.

There are conversations and there are negotiations. There are consoling words: “Nothing will happen to you.” “But how do you know that?” wonders my niece. She just wants reliable confirmation that she will not die. Once upon a time she needed to be consoled about her acne, now it’s her decapitated body. My sister tries to woo her with maternal instincts, with material information about where the threats geographically exist (although no one really knows that) and finally with religion. She puts a tawiz around her daughter’s neck. It’s a locket with a little folded up prayer in it. Everyone has one of those lying around. My sister wears one of the pair that my mother gave us when we were 17 and on the verge of exams. As my sister clasps it in place she says, “there, now Allah will protect you.” My niece smiles, broad and beaming. The battle is over – she is ready for school.

My sister has a lot to do. She has to call people and run some errands, but she is irrationally angry at the leftover stickiness of the marmalade on her fingers. She makes a mental note to swing by the school in the middle of the day. Just to make sure. They don’t have great security there, just a painfully skinny old man with a rifle who could never chase anyone down. She washes her hands. As she looks up at the bathroom mirror, she finds a new crease. The same damn crease that she has noticed on all her friends’ foreheads: A new witness to their age, to this time. Her husband calls. “You sound annoyed” he claims. “I’m not,” she snaps back. “Well,” he says, “I’ve got great news. The price of our land just shot up! At least we can thank Blackwater for that!”

It’s true. Since all the non-diplomat Americans – security personnel, CIA staff, private mercenaries – have arrived and set up shop, buying up compounds and old hotels, the price of real estate has tripled. Islamabad, with its security gates and closed streets, has become a nightmare to navigate around. But that piece of land my sister owns on the outskirts of the city will make them richer. I sold mine a long time ago, back when we were worried about boys and muggers.

I lean back in my chair. I’m trying to forget my sister’s crease and ignore the anxiety she feels every time she gets into a car. I am trying to ignore Hillary Clinton’s arrogant words about doing more to combat terrorism the day after 122 people were killed in Peshawar. I’m trying to repress my frustration at the illogical rhetoric of forcing the Pakistani army to target and bomb remote regions in the country with the expectation that this will decrease violence.

Oprah’s website makes me feel better, drawing me into the lull of cosmetic words about the human condition … as though you can be in control of anything in your life: food, yoga, parenting, finances. I need the guise of control because those black words on white background, those headlines painting broad strokes, telling us “Pakistanis are not committed to fighting terrorism” are gnawing at me. I wonder whether there will be a country for my baby to discover mangoes in. Real mangoes. I read the comments posted on articles in prestigious dailies, from Americans and from my fellow Canadians – first-world comments. How many of them, with their comments foaming out of their mouths and slipping off their fingertips onto clackety-clack keyboards, have set foot in Pakistan? Seen those mountains? Seen those villages? Eaten juicy crabs on those rickety boats where the fishermen tell stories about waves? Been to the restaurants that are open until one in the morning because people like their greasy foods at whatever time, because time in Pakistan is merely notional?

They haven’t been there, and yet they blindly advocate its further demise. Sure, Pakistan has been a mess since its inception but, and this is a big but, it has never seen the kind of violence that has emerged since the invasion of Afghanistan in 2001. In 2002 there were two suicide bombings in Pakistan, which appeared shocking at the time. In 2007 there were 56, claiming over 1,000 lives; I frankly don’t even want to know how many invisible casualties have been eaten up in 2009.

It doesn’t take a genius to figure out that the failures in Afghanistan are being replicated in Pakistan. And yet in what I have coined the blind-leading-the-blind foreign policy of brilliant NATO strategists, the proof of “doing something” to combat terrorism seems to be to kill more people, destroy more villages and create a larger number of internally displaced persons to add to the existing three million refugees.

But I hide behind magazines and glossy images. Behind ads of special oils that will make the pregnancy stretch marks on my belly disappear, as creases take life on my sister’s forehead. Blackwater and DynCorp – enjoy Islamabad. Why wouldn’t you? It’s a beautiful albeit boring city surrounded by mountains, with clean roads and grass that’s a special color of dewy green. It’s a beautiful city in a country that offers a seaport into central Asia and neighbors China, India, Afghanistan and Iran. Why wouldn’t someone want a piece of that ass? Why wouldn’t someone want the country to burn, fragment and dissolve into social chaos so the wise men of the West can come in and take control of the nuclear armaments that can’t be trusted in the hands of those crazy locals?

Ms. Erum S. Hasan works for a social justice organization in Ottawa, Canada.

Germany Finally Arrests Its African Warlord

Germany Finally Arrests Its African Warlord

On November 17, 2009, German authorities arrested the head of the largest rebel force in war-torn eastern Congo, charging him with war crimes and crimes against humanity. The rebel force, known as the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), is at the heart of a war in Congo that has killed an estimated six million people since 1998 – the highest war-related death toll since World War II. While this arrest is a large blow to the FDLR and brings eastern Congo closer to peace, more effort must be made to stop the principal means by which the FDLR and other armed groups get the cash to keep the war in Congo going – namely the trade in minerals that end up in our electronic gadgets such as cell phones, laptops and iPods.

Germany has been home to Ignace Murwanashyaka for over a decade. The FDLR leader actively directed his rebel army’s military operations and strategy in Congo by phone. Murwanashyaka enjoyed a peaceful life in the city of Mannheim while his troops wiped out villages, turned children into soldiers and viciously butchered countless civilians in Congo.

Fighting between the FDLR and the Congolese army has forced nearly one million people from their homes since January 2009, and an estimated 7,000 women and girls have been raped. The FDLR is purposely killing civilians to punish them for perceived support for the UN- and US-backed Congolese army offensive. They regularly use rape as a key part of their war strategy to shock communities in mineral-rich areas. To finance its operations, the FDLR makes millions of dollars annually by taxing and trading minerals such as tin and coltan, which make their way to smelters in Asia and are then processed into electronic circuit boards in our cell phones and computers.

The FDLR is a 6,000-strong Hutu extremist rebel group. Many of its members participated in the 1994 Rwandan Genocide. After the genocide the fighters who would later create the FDLR fled westward into eastern Congo, where they’ve since terrorized the region and served as an excuse for neighboring Rwanda to repeatedly invade, occupy and plunder Congo’s minerals.

The regional war in Congo has left over six million dead. An estimated 45,000 people are currently dying every month. It is estimated that over 200,000 women and girls have been raped throughout the Congo’s long war.

Germany had arrested Murwanashyaka in 2006 and attempted to prosecute him for war crimes, but they abandoned the case due to lack of evidence. Allowing the FDLR leader to live freely in exile, however, was undermining Germany’s own investments in stability in eastern Congo. In addition to the millions of dollars in humanitarian and development aid Germany has provided Congo in recent years, Germany led the EU peacekeeping mission sent to help ensure peace during Congo’s 2006 elections, providing 780 soldiers and hosting the mission’s headquarters in Potsdam. During bloody ethnic fighting in northeastern Congo in 2003, Germany sent 350 soldiers to provide medical and logistical assistance to the French-led EU peacekeeping force known as Operation Artemis.

Murwanashyaka’s arrest was likely sparked by a recent series of articles on the FDLR leader and his role in the current fighting in Congo in the German newspaper Die Tageszeitung. As Africa editor Dominic Johnson explained prior to the arrest, “We hope that this investigation will contribute toward raising the profile of this issue in Germany and encouraging the German authorities to take appropriate measures. It is clear that any European effort to bring peace to Eastern DRC has to involve moving against leaders of armed groups operating from Europe with impunity.”

While Murwanashyaka is considered the chief ideologue and “supreme military commander” of the FDLR, other senior leaders continue to live freely in Europe and North America. Secretary-General Callixte Mbarushimana lives in France, for example, and French authorities are indicating that he has a right to act as the rebel force’s spokesman.

While Murwanashyaka was maintaining overall control of the FDLR and its operations, his removal is only one part of a wide-ranging strategy that is badly needed to end the horrors of this protracted war in eastern Congo. A paramount effort in this strategy must include tackling the international trade in minerals that the FDLR and other armed groups in eastern Congo use to get the funds to buy the weapons needed to massacre civilians and prolong the war. To succeed, we as consumers and citizens need to be key players in this effort. This involves encouraging our representatives in government to pass legislation requiring electronics companies to investigate and independently audit their minerals supply chains. This way we can know if we are funding groups like the FDLR when we buy a cell phone or a laptop. While the US Senate and House of Representatives are currently considering such bills – the Congo Conflict Minerals Act and the Conflict Minerals Trade Act, respectively – more countries need to develop similar measures. Since the electronics industry has already spent roughly $6 million this year lobbying to water the bill down, we need to put pressure on electronics companies by writing and urging them to find out and make public where they get their minerals. We have a right to know if they are ultimately sourced from war-torn parts of eastern Congo.

Greg Queyranne, MA, is a Canadian researcher focusing on conflicts in central Africa. He can be reached at gregoryqueyranne@hotmail.com.

Enforced Humility

Enforced Humility

Salvador is a Mexican migrant laborer who works on a farm in southern Ontario. At first glance he is a small and unassuming man, but one conversation reveals that he is well-read, intelligent and speaks powerfully on world history, politics and philosophy. One day working beside him reveals a nearly unbelievable work ethic: he works at full speed all day every day.

Salvador told me about a farm he worked on in Manitoba. The Mexican workers were packaging vegetables one day and the boss’s dad (the retired farm owner) came in and starting kicking up a huge fuss about them being too selective with the quality of the vegetables: “Don’t throw that out,” “that’s perfectly ok,” etc. So they lowered the quality a little bit. A few days later, some of the orders got returned because the quality was too poor. The boss asked around wondering what had happened. An employee named Guillermo told him that the boss’s dad had instructed them to be more lenient with the selection. This got back to the dad, who pulled Guillermo into the lunchroom and beat the shit out of him. Guillermo did not fight back, and came out of the room with some serious damage to his face.

A few days later, Salvador was working out in the field. He was standing on a wagon that the boss was recklessly driving around and he fell off and broke his arm. Salvador was taken back to the bunkhouse, with no word about if or when he’d get to see a doctor. He sat waiting in agonizing pain with no access to painkillers. After four or five hours, he called the Mexican consulate, which is supposed to represent the interests of its compatriot workers. The consulate told him that he was there to work and instructed him not to cause any trouble. Salvador was incensed. He thought, “fuck this, we are being treated like animals out here, I’m calling the police.” And he did. He dialled 911 and asked for someone who spoke Spanish. He told them about his accident and lack of treatment. They said it didn’t sound like a criminal offence, but they could send an ambulance. He told them about Guillermo’s beating and messed up face. This was of more interest to them. They sent out a police cruiser and when the officers saw Guillermo and his bruises they arrested the boss’s dad. As sweet as this sight must have been, it was merely a temporary victory. Was there a trial? Was Guillermo’s testimony taken? No. Within a few days, both Guillermo and Salvador were back in Mexico. Guillermo swore to never return to this country. Salvador requested to switch to a different farm.

I spent the last four and a half months working and living with Mexican migrant farm workers on two farms in southern Ontario. Ten thousand Mexicans and over ten thousand other foreigners come to Canada each year to work on farms, in greenhouses and in food packaging plants. The story Salvador told me is not at all unusual, I heard many more like it.  

Before this summer, I didn’t even know that a migrant labor program existed. I didn’t know that workers are often provided inadequate housing, work in poor conditions and are frequently disrespected by their employers and other Canadians. I didn’t know that the rights guaranteed to Canadian workers are often glossed over and ignored in the case of foreign migrant workers and that despite paying the same taxes they are treated as an underclass.

But this is not my life. It was just my summer. I was merely an observer, a student. Conversation by conversation, I learned of the abuse, the horrendous conditions, the tyrannical bosses, the goals and dreams, the drive and determination, the unwavering positive outlook.

Mexican workers come to Canada for the incredible financial opportunity: daily wages can be as much as eight times higher than those in Mexico. Life for the poor in Mexico is somewhat desperate. The difficulty of creating better lives for their families is staggering – few can hope to give their kids a decent house, a good education, the opportunity to escape the hard-work/low-pay lives of their parents. In Mexico avenues out of this poverty simply do not exist. Canada is a way to get a leg up.

Mexicans also come because they are desperately needed. Many Canadian farms do not operate with Canadian labor. Farm work is incredibly unattractive to most Canadians: it is difficult, the hours are long and irregular and the pay is minimum wage. Furthermore, many of the benefits and rights that apply to all other workers in this country – overtime, holiday pay, paid breaks – do not apply to agricultural workers in many provinces. At most sizeable Canadian farms, Canadian workers probably hold managerial positions while temporary foreign workers do the labor. The way our economy and agriculture is set up, it would be impossible to grow our own food without migrant workers from Mexico, Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, Guatemala, Thailand and elsewhere. When you “buy Canadian” produce you are probably buying food grown in Canada by foreign migrant laborers.

The Mexican migrant labor program, the Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program (SAWP), is a joint venture between the Canadian and Mexican governments. It is attractive to Mexico for alleviating unemployment and underemployment and bringing in money from Canada. It is attractive to Canada for providing the farm labor we cannot get at home. Mexican workers are supposed to have the same rights and get the same benefits as Canadian workers, but this is far from the case. 

Workers are frequently accommodated in substandard housing. I heard many horror stories: a 20-man house with one bathroom, one refrigerator and one stove; group showers; ten-by-ten rooms housing four people; bathroom lines so long that men resort to showering with the garden hose; improvised housing with no insulation. According to the SAWP contract, the housing provided by employers must pass an inspection, but it is unclear who is performing these inspections and what criteria they are following.

Farm work is by nature unsafe. This is especially problematic when you are a migrant worker who is eager to please and extremely hesitant to raise concerns for fear of being reprimanded or repatriated. When workers get injured, the solution is often to ship them back to Mexico where they are supposed to be able to receive care paid for by their health insurance. In practice, it is often very difficult or near impossible to collect insurance payments in Mexico and certain treatments are difficult to access, such as dialysis for severe pesticide exposure. Despite the fact they pay for Canadian health care with their taxes, Mexican laborers usually end up receiving far inferior care to what they would get in Canada or no care at all. My coworker Mauricio expressed the sentiments of many Mexicans: “Here, no one is valuable. You get sick, they send you back to Mexico and send another burro [donkey] to replace you.” The reality is that migrant workers are often treated as worthless, faceless, exchangeable beasts of burden – expected to do what they’re told and be grateful for whatever they get. Except in the most rare scenarios, they are treated as units of labor rather than human beings. 

In order to return to the same farm each season, Mexican migrant workers must be “named” by their Canadian employers. If they’re not named, they can be placed on a different farm and it is not uncommon for unnamed workers to miss a season or two while the Mexican Ministry of Labor finds a placement. The naming process is the cloud that looms over the migrant worker’s every action. If a worker is not named he could miss a season or two, which could wreak havoc on his family’s finances. When he returns to work, there’s no telling what kind of farm he could end up at. The naming process means that if the worker finds himself in a tolerable situation, it is in his best interest to cause as little trouble as possible to the employer and to only draw attention to himself for being a good worker. Any other attention is dangerous and puts his family’s economic security at risk.  

A few years ago, my coworker Mauricio landed on a farm with a problematic supervisor. The supervisor would switch the workers’ hours around to suit his own erratic schedule. Some days they’d work normal hours and others they’d work 2 p.m. until 3 a.m – they were completely at the mercy of the supervisor. Mauricio made a complaint to the Mexican consulate, which did nothing of any consequence. Mauricio’s boss did, however, get wind of the complaint and began to drastically reduce Mauricio’s hours. The farmer did not request Mauricio the next year, and told other farmers in the area to avoid employing him since he was a “troublemaker” and too “political.” The message is clear: never complain. This condition bleeds into every aspect of migrant workers lives. Most are hesitant to complain about poor living conditions or even to ask for something broken in the house to be fixed. They generally do not express grievances. They are often reluctant to see the doctor – partially because they don’t want to lose the wages that they would earn during the trip, partially because they don’t want to cause a hassle. To stick out is to put your family at risk: You get insulted, you swallow it; you get beaten, you deal with it; you get assigned a dangerous job, you do it the best you can. The onus of providing for your family outweighs the right to refuse dangerous jobs.

The whole experience of being a migrant worker is one of enforced humility. When you come to Canada, you are no longer in control of your life, no longer the head of a household, no longer your own man. You are a servant whose entire life is in the hands of the employer. Many men come to Canada and are not even aware of where they are on a map. They live where they are told, work when they are told, do what they are told. They are stripped of all independence and privacy and often subjected to verbal and physical abuse.

A real tyrant ran one farm a coworker told me about. Some of his favourite catchphrases were: “What the fuck are you doing? You animals! This is kindergarteners’ work! If you don’t want to work, you can go back to Mexico!” One day the boss threw a tantrum and one worker couldn’t take it. He threw what he was carrying to the ground, cussed out the boss and said, “you do it.” The boss called a meeting with the worker and a translator and told the worker that he was getting a warning: One more slip-up and he’d be on the first plane back to Mexico. The next day, the boss heard that the worker had said he didn’t have the balls to send him back to Mexico. Two days later, the worker was gone. His peers were not surprised and almost seemed to blame the worker. He had essentially broken a cardinal rule of migrant labor: Do not draw unnecessary attention to yourself, and do not under any circumstances have any conflict with the boss.

Mexican workers experience poor conditions, racism and assaults on their dignity in Canada, but their treatment at the hands of the Mexican government is not much better. To most members of the Mexican consulate and the Mexican Ministry of Labor, the Mexicans who come to Canada are simpleminded, childlike men who need to be told what to do and should be scolded for doing otherwise. The standard response when a worker calls to complain to the consulate is: “Don’t cause trouble. You’ve come here to work, so work.” It doesn’t seem to matter what the complaint is: an untreated injury, abusive supervisors or unfair practices. Other men have told me of ministry officials saying “Now, don’t go get drunk in Canada. You’re going there to work. You are a representative of Mexico in Canada, so don’t embarrass us.” The message to the workers is clear: “It’s not about you. It’s about the farms. If you aren’t grateful for the crumbs you work for, you can get the hell out. We care about you only in writing. You are a mule and mules are replaceable.”

Mexican workers in Canada are almost completely without allies. One of their few friends is the United Food and Commercial Workers Canada (UFCW), the national farm workers’ union. The UFCW is one of the few groups dedicated to fighting for migrant workers. They are in an incredibly difficult position, however, because it is so dangerous for migrant workers to even talk about unionizing. It is very common for unionizing workers not to be requested the next year, or even to be sent back to Mexico prematurely. The governments of Ontario and Alberta have taken the position that farm workers do not have the right to unionize.

During my time on the farms, I developed a deep respect and admiration for many of my Mexican coworkers. They are humble and diligent men for whom self-sacrifice in the interest of their families comes instinctively. My friend Jacobo had been working in Canada for three or four years to complete construction of his house. He was almost done when he found out that his sister’s child had cancer. Jacobo finished his house, gave it to his sister’s family and began working to complete her half-finished house. You get the sense that this was not a difficult decision for him. His sister needed the house more, so he gave it to her. Plain and simple. I got to know men who have been coming to Canada for 10, 15, 20 years, working little by little to improve their lives in Mexico. Some of their children are lawyers, doctors, scientists, veterinarians, teachers. Their hard work has paid off but they don’t brag, they just keep working. A lot of Canadians think that because the Mexicans keep coming back every year, there are no major problems with the SAWP program. I disagree – the treatment many of them get here is despicable. It is not good enough to treat foreign workers as second-class, to have one set of rights for Canadians and another for Mexicans.

Few people even know that tens of thousands of migrant workers come to Canada every year. They might buy Canadian food, but they probably don’t know that it is grown by Mexicans and Jamaicans and Guatemalans. They don’t know who or what is behind the tomatoes, apples, broccoli and onions. They don’t know that a government-managed program imports workers from foreign countries and allows them to be treated like cattle. They don’t know about living in converted barns with no insulation in October and November. They don’t know about the crowded bedrooms, the leaking roofs, the broken kitchen appliances. They don’t know about the 30-minute bike rides to find a payphone to call home, the disrespect and racism on the streets, in banks, in stores. They don’t know about Western Union employees washing their hands with Purell after dealing with each Mexican worker, the very Mexican workers who keep them open by sending 80 percent of their paychecks home every payday. They don’t know about supervisors constantly checking men’s work, telling them to go faster, do better, telling them they better shape up or get shipped back to Mexico. They don’t know about 60, 70, 80, even 90-hour weeks. They don’t know about the stress of being separated from family for months at a time, of being in an all-male, high-testosterone environment. They don’t know about rich people in Mercedes Benzes coming to Mexicans’ houses and accusing them of stealing car parts. They don’t know about coming to Canada to work your ass off only to be treated as a threat, a criminal, someone to be avoided. They don’t know how hard it is to try to learn a few phrases of English when you only have a 6th grade education, how intimidating it is to try to communicate in a foreign land and foreign tongue with people who often do not have the patience to understand.

Canadians are largely ignorant of this reality, but we implicitly support it by buying Canadian produce, by electing governments that perpetuate it and by remaining quiet and unaware. It’s time to learn what’s going on.

Edward Dunsworth

The Peace Process

Palestine is eroded piece by piece.

The corporate media in the West have successfully manufactured the public belief that only the violence of non-state actors should be considered terrorism. It requires a great deal of mental discipline to deny the fact that any act perpetrated to instill terror can legitimately be considered terrorism. State terrorism is the use of military force and secret police tactics against domestic and foreign opponents of a state. State terror tactics have traditionally included outright invasions, air strikes, Special Forces operations, assassination programs, kidnappings, arbitrary imprisonments, extrajudicial killings, torture and the direct support of brutal regimes.


The Strategic Value of Maintaining Strife in the Middle East


It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that the US government has no interest in a genuine two-state solution for the Israelis and Palestinians. The US government seems dedicated to supporting the normalization of permanent strife in the Middle East to justify their military and economic presence in the region. The established US record of supporting military dictators like Saddam Hussein and religious despots like the king of Saudi Arabia have consistently fostered discontent and resentment in the region. There is evidence reported in a January 2008 edition of the Ottawa Citizen indicating that the Muslim world does not hate the US for cultural reasons but instead deeply resents American interference in issues like the endless Palestinian/Israeli conflict. According to political scientists Peter Furia and Russell Lucas, “[we found] … no evidence that ordinary Arabs resent countries [the US] for what they are, and considerable evidence that they resent them for what they do.” This evidence contradicts George Bush’s facile claim that Muslims hate Western freedom so much that they feel obliged to destroy the secular world.


Occupation and the Continuing Erosion of Ever-Tenuous Palestinian Sovereignty


The seizure of Palestinian territory has traditionally been accomplished in intentionally stealthy increments. It started long before the creation of modern Israel following the annexation of Palestine in 1948. As Noam Chomsky describes in Failed States: The Abuse of Power and the Assault on Democracy: “Those familiar with the history of Zionism will recognize the method, dating back to the 1920s: ‘dunam [settlement] after dunam,’ arousing as little attention as possible.” The modern equivalent was expressed in the 1996 comments of then Israeli housing minister, Benjamin Ben-Eliezer, when he described Israeli expansion into the West Bank: “I build quietly. My goal is to build and not encourage opposition to my efforts. What is important to me is to build, build, build and build some more.” The Israeli government, with full US support, has traditionally chosen this subtle and gradual path of seizing Palestinian lands and, perhaps more importantly, water resources. It continues to this day, generally with either US indifference or mild rebukes. This is the reality of what is euphemistically referred to as the peace process.


Peace is Possible


A two-state solution recognizing the mutual right to national self-determination is the only reasonable solution to the Palestinian/Israeli divide. Only the US government has the power and influence to generate this reality. Only the US has the military authority to ensure that established borders and agreements be respected. Only the US has sufficient influence over the United Nations to convince Israel to accept UN peacekeeping forces on its territory in a buffer zone between Israeli territory and Palestinian territory and to ensure a fair allocation of water and natural resources between Palestinian and Israeli.


Morgan Duchesney is a Canadian writer and martial arts instructor with an interest in social justice and international affairs. He has published work on the war in Afghanistan, Canadian democracy, the Canadian banking system and various martial arts topics. He holds an MA in Political Economy from Carleton University in Ottawa. Read the full text of this essay at honeybadgerpress.ca/articles.

Operation Lightning Thunder

The American government must reevaluate its attitude toward African affairs.

Operation Lightning Thunder

George W. Bush’s final major presidential act in African military affairs was also the first military activity for the newly created US Africa Command, or AFRICOM. The unintended outcome of the AFRICOM-supported military action – “Operation Lightning Thunder,” which was carried out by Uganda, Congo and Southern Sudan – was disastrous for civilians: over 1,000 people were slaughtered in revenge killings by one of Africa’s oldest and most brutal rebel army, the Lord’s Resistant Army (LRA).

In November 2008, during his final days in office, President Bush personally authorized financial and logistical assistance for a coordinated attack on the LRA in northeastern Congo. AFRICOM assisted with Operation Lightning Thunder’s planning and provided a team of 17 advisers and analysts, intelligence, satellite phones and $1 million in fuel. Lightning Thunder sought to destroy the elusive LRA rebels’ central command center and to eliminate the group’s psychopathic and messianic cult leader, Joseph Kony.

The creation of AFRICOM reflected the Bush administration’s militaristic approach to foreign affairs. Declared fully operational on September 30, 2008, AFRICOM is America’s tenth unified command. Its declared role is to improve the Pentagon and other US government areas’ ability to collaborate with each other and with partners “to achieve a more stable environment in which political and economic growth can take place.” Due to African countries nearly unanimously opposing establishing AFRICOM’s headquarters on African soil, AFRICOM is currently based in Stuttgart, Germany. AFRICOM has understandably generated considerable concerns that it will not only militarize US foreign policy in Africa, but that it will also further militarize one of the world’s most war-ravaged continents.

Despite three months of military activity and Ugandan troops on Congolese soil, Lightning Thunder was unable to effectively destroy the LRA or capture Kony. Since minimal planning was undertaken for humanitarian protection, Lightning Thunder led to a string of LRA retaliatory attacks on the local Congolese population. The 2008 Christmas Massacre saw the slaughter of hundreds of civilians, with subsequent revenge killings in Congo and Sudan over the following weeks resulting in a death toll of over 1,000. Furthermore, an estimated 200,000 people have been displaced since Lightning Thunder began.

Regardless of Lightning Thunder’s horrendous failure, the Obama administration cannot lose sight of the violence and destabilization that the LRA continues to inflict upon Central Africa. It is estimated that since 1986, the LRA has abducted 66,000 children and murdered tens of thousands of civilians, in addition to devastating parts of four countries: Uganda, Congo, Sudan, and the Central African Republic. International action against this vicious group is urgently needed.

As the head of the most influential country in the world, President Obama has an unmatched ability to lead and coordinate a multilateral effort focused on ending the LRA’s campaign of terror in the heart of Africa. The US and its African allies, however, cannot pursue a solely military solution to the problem. President Obama should be pressed to immediately appoint a special envoy to the Great Lakes region of Central Africa, just as he has commendably appointed special envoys for Sudan, the Middle East and Afghanistan-Pakistan. Parallel bipartisan bills introduced in the US Senate and House of Representatives in May – both titled “The Lord’s Resistance Army Disarmament and Northern Uganda Recovery Act of 2009” – would commit the Obama administration to develop a comprehensive strategy to disarm the LRA and to help rebuild communities devastated by its atrocities. Greater citizen pressure on the American president, senators and representatives is needed to ensure that an envoy is named and that these important bills are passed. America should also engage in increased collaboration with the UN’s peacekeeping force in Congo, exert tougher pressure on the government of Sudan to end its material support of the LRA, and increase non-military assistance to UN and humanitarian organizations working in the region.

After more than two decades of unmitigated child abductions, murders, mutilations and other horrors at the hands of the LRA, civilians in the region deserve a life of peace.

Greg Queyranne, MA, is a Canadian researcher focusing on conflicts in Central Africa.

Massacre in Peru

Massacre in Peru

Photo by Thomas Quirynen/CATAPA – upsidedownworld.org.

The enduring conflict in Bagua, Peru between the government and indigenous inhabitants of the Amazon led to violent confrontations last month. Between 30 and 84 deaths were reported and more than 100 people were wounded when security forces used violence to try and stop a roadblock. According to the police, indigenous people fired at the policemen first. Representatives of different indigenous groups in the area contest this, saying they were only armed with their traditional spears. Most sources affirm that shots were released from police helicopters.

The stake of the conflict is the admittance of multinational companies to the areas in northern Peru, which is rich in oil, gas and minerals. For almost two months, more than 30,000 indigenous inhabitants of different provinces of the Amazon and the highlands protested the way in which the state and companies want to invest in the exploitation of natural resources. Indigenous people and farmer communities want to take part in the decision-making process about the development of the land.

Over the last two years, changing regulations have led to the removal of a large number of ecological and social restrictions on the extraction of resources – leading to much less restrictive legislation. This eases direct foreign investments developing mines and exploiting oil and gas in Peru. Indigenous people protested these changes by going on strike and forming roadblocks for 57 days.

On May 9, the Peruvian government declared a state of emergency in seven provinces of the Amazon, which means that “the constitutional provisions on freedom and security of persons and the immunity of accommodation are temporarily suspended, and that there is a ban on gathering.” Officially the government’s actions were to safeguard access to roads and airports and to prevent production losses due to the actions of the indigenous people. A few days later, however, it appeared to be nothing more than an alibi for using violence. Negotiations between the state and the representatives of the indigenous communities were ceased on May 15, after the indigenous people announced that they would continue their actions. The protest and the reactions of the government became grimmer.

The C169 Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention, set up by the International Labour Organization and ratified by Peru in 1994, obliges Peru to consult indigenous people in cases where the State or a company plans to exploit the natural resources in land occupied by indigenous people. This is not, however, a common practice in the Amazon forest. The biodiversity and the lives of indigenous people are at stake. The Sate and the companies involved – including the French oil company Perenco and the Spanish company REPSOL – push for a quick exploitation. In the worldwide context of a growing shortage of natural resources, the Peruvian Amazon forest is wanted for its potential profits.

Criticizing the indigenous people’s actions, President Alan García Perez said in a statement that “the State retains the ownership of sub-surface resources” and that “all Peruvian people have to profit the natural resources in the country.” The indigenous people do not claim ultimate ownership of the Amazon forest, but simply ask for a voice in the decision-making process in the development of the region. Alberto Pizango, leader of the umbrella indigenous people’s organization AIDESEP, explains: “we do not fight development, but we ask for development from our perspective.”

CATAPA, from Upside Down World: Covering Activism and Politics in Latin America, upsidedownworld.org.

Our Cell Phones, Their War

Our Cell Phones, Their War

Circuit Boards – Chris Jordan

An astonishing six million people are estimated to have died as a result of the conflict in the Congo – the largest war-related death toll since the Second World War. What is perhaps more appalling to citizens geographically removed from this conflict, is the fact that our consumption of seemingly indispensable high-tech gadgets – cell phones, mp3 players, laptops and video game systems – may have substantially contributed to this holocaust.

The conflict in the Congo is often described as “tribal,” but sober assessments by the United Nations, research organizations and the American government reveal something far more complex. The multimillion dollar trade of the Congo’s natural resources by foreign armies, rebels and militias has played an integral role in fueling the conflict – both by motivating armed groups to wage war, and by providing them with the cash to do so.

Here’s where the Western consumer comes in. Congolese minerals – after being dug up at gunpoint or taxed by brutal militias and rebels – often take a long international trip before ending up in our pockets and on our desks. Raw materials are traded in Central Africa, processed into electronic hardware in East Asia and eventually end up on the shelves of large electronics companies. As the final link in this supply chain, consumers are unintentionally funding the deadliest war in the world today – not something we equate with buying a new cell phone or laptop. John Prendergast, the co-chair of the Enough Project: an initiative to end genocide and crimes against humanity, notes “there are few other conflicts in the world where the link between our consumer appetites and mass human suffering is so direct.”

There are four main minerals that link our gadgets to the war. Tin is used as a solder on circuit boards of all electronic products; tantalum, or coltan, is used in capacitors that control the flow of electric current; tungsten makes our cell phones vibrate; and gold, a veteran conflict mineral, is used in many products for its resistance to corrosion.

By controlling these essential minerals within the global economy, rebels and militias – not to mention the governments that have directly supported them (including both the governments of Congo and Rwanda) – generate millions in profit, providing ample funds for armed groups to wage wars and terrorize civilians. Women and girls have disproportionately borne the horrific brunt of this conflict: the level and brutality of the sexual violence pandemic in Congo is unparalleled, affecting hundreds of thousands of women.

A grassroots campaign is developing to help end this war by focusing on its root causes. The targets of this growing movement are the powerful electronics companies that may unwittingly be using conflict minerals in their products. Letter campaigns and the threat of boycotting companies that refuse to investigate their supply chains are raising the level of pressure on markets already in decline as a result of the global recession.

On the political end, a bipartisan bill in the US Senate could require all US-registered companies selling products using tin, tantalum or tungsten to annually disclose to the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) where the minerals were mined. If the company lists the Congo, or any of its neighbors, as the country of origin, then it would be obliged to name the specific mine.

A similar bill in Canada’s parliament is urgently needed to help end the war in Congo, which kills an estimated 45,000 Congolese every month. As engaged citizens we need to write to our members of Parliament, encouraging them to draft and support such a bill. Canada must show leadership by ensuring Canadians are not indirectly contributing to this bloodshed.

By building awareness of the relationship between tin, tantalum, tungsten and gold in our electronic goodies and the conflict in the Congo – and by translating that awareness into consumer and citizen pressure – we can play a key role in helping to end this holocaust in Central Africa. Without action, we will continue to sustain the Congo War … and an unprecedented amount of suffering and sexual violence.

Greg Queyranne, MA, is a Canadian researcher focusing on conflicts in Central Africa.

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