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The Army of the Republic

An interview with author Stuart Archer Cohen.

The Army of the Republic

The Army of the Republic by Stuart Archer Cohen is one of those rare books that should be on the shelf of every activist. Cohen tells the story of an insurrection in the United States through the eyes of a militant, a corporate CEO and a nonviolent protest organizer. The Army of the Republic is a powerful imagining of what might have happened if the activists at the WTO in Seattle 1999 had been backed up by armed insurrectionaries. And while the book does not shy away from exploring the allure of violence and its potential positive use, Cohen also asks his readers to reflect on the deep, ethical dilemmas that come with insurrection.

One of the best contemporary novels about activism published in years, The Army of the Republic explores the limits of violence and the potential for insurrection. While ultimately Cohen personally embraces the nonviolent protest model for social change, his book leaves the debate open.

Cohen spoke about his book and the ethical dilemmas of violence in a recent interview with Adbusters contributing editor Micah White.

ADBUSTERS: What has been the reception to your book?

STUART COHEN: It has been very mixed. A review in the New York Times really pissed on it. And to me it seemed like the reviewer willfully misread the book. On the other hand, the community that has been most supportive has been the libertarian community. I think the book angers people and makes them uncomfortable because it is close to what has been happening.

I’d say generally that a lot of people are made uncomfortable by the fact that the urban guerrillas in the book are not portrayed as monsters or terrorists but rather as people who are responding to a situation. It’s been accused of romanticizing terrorism and that sort of thing.

AB: It seems to me that your book is one of the first to seriously consider the idea that an insurgent movement could play a positive political role because it forms a fringe that empowers the mainstream movement. Do you think insurgents in America could play a positive role?

SC: That was one of the questions that I set out to answer when I started the book because I had seen a lot of insurgencies in Latin America. I wondered, “Well, is it ever justified to kill the corner policeman to make a better world?”

I would say that the fringes define what the middle is. I don’t think that violent resistance can be controlled or that you can control the reaction to it. And it is usually more negative. Usually there is a more peaceful way to get things done. But I don’t think the urban guerrillas in the book are completely wrong either. It is a gray area. Measured on the whole it usually brings much more misery than it’s worth. And I think you can tell from the book that my position is that activism – that middle way – is important.

It is a tough question and I haven’t completely decided.

Is there a role for insurgents? Oh gosh … I’d say only in a really, really extreme situation and I’m not sure that the one in the book really merits the violence of the insurgents. I think in the book there is still a space for civil resistance to operate. And I think in the book the insurgents provide an excuse for the regime to become equally violent.

But there is a point where you feel like you must act. When they assassinate businessman John Polling in the beginning of the book, it is great. But by the end of the book the insurgents are abducting people and killing the people’s children by accident. And that is invariably what ends up happening, no matter how careful you are.

AB: It seems to me that your book tries to redeem protest movements of their post 9/11 failures. And the primary argument of the book appears to be that only a mass movement can achieve the change that we want.

SC: Yes, definitely. What happens is that extremist groups like the urban guerrillas in the book are invariably painted as terrorists by the mainstream media, which is in essence state media. And so they always lose the battle of the story. And that is what happens with all the urban guerrilla groups in the book. So what happens is that they typically get more and more separated from the mass movements.

The guerrilla groups I studied the most were in Argentina: the Montoneros and the Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo. And I interviewed some of those people and read their autobiographies and biographies. These groups always start out trying to organize people and then repression forces them to become violent because their ability to organize gets pushed underground when the government comes down on them. They become violent when they are not able to exercise their rights.

But once you go underground you no longer have contact with the mass movement: the people in the factories, in the streets and so on. It becomes harder to maintain that contact so that you think you are fighting for the People, with a capital P, but you become cut off from those people. That is what happens with the urban guerrillas in the book.

I think it is the mass movements, finally, that make the gains.

AB: Do you feel optimistic that protests can become effective again?

SC: Yes, I do. Not every protest is going to be successful. The protest I studied the most for the book was the Battle of Seattle, WTO 1999. I talked to some of the organizers and read a lot about it. That protest was successful because they were using strategies that had been used before but were not well known. And they had a police chief who was pretty fair-minded, who did want to go in and just brutally crush the protesters.

One conclusion I came to about that protest is that you wouldn’t have heard a word about the WTO if people hadn’t broken windows. And not everybody agrees with me. But my personal feeling is that if you don’t get some extremists who go out and break some windows then nobody cares. It is sad to say but breaking windows is a symbol that people really care. And I have trouble advocating that because the state, on the other hand, is obligated to keep order. You have to ask yourself whether the state has a duty to all its citizens to keep order. And so those kinds of questions are going to be in opposition.

I don’t want to advocate civil disorder and smashing stuff. But I do think civil protests have a place. And sometimes, unruly protests have a place in the whole spectrum of citizens voicing their opinions.

AB: Can violence play a positive role in contemporary politics?

SC: That’s a tough one … because if I say yes to that then I am also saying yes to right-wing violence. I’d say there is a role for civil disobedience, and there always will be. A lot of the activists I talked to drew a distinction between violence against property and violence against people, and I think that is an important distinction. It gets murky very quickly though. You and I might rejoice when people destroy Monsanto’s next franken-gene, for example, but how do we feel when some white supremacist burns down a black church in Alabama? We are happy when Greenpeace blocks a whaling ship, but what about when people block an abortion clinic?

It is hard to lay down a rule. I think there is always a place for civil disobedience. That is what I will say.

AB: What is intellectually rewarding about your book is it presents these types of ethical dilemmas and does not resolve them fully.

SC: Yeah, and I was not able to resolve many of the dilemmas myself. I think in some cases violence is justified but it is not justified in the book, yet.

AB: Do you think that we are moving toward a kind of cultural civil war in America? Will the events you describe in your book happen?

SC: I’m mixed about it. Right now I’m working on an article called “Revolution from the Right” and my take is that there is zero chance of a popular revolution from the right. However, I think there are other dangers. The right wing usually seizes power through coups and they may use popular Brown Shirt movements – we got a taste of that with the Tea Party Movement. I think if Obama fails, or if there is a major economic meltdown all bets are off. And this last bout of economic collapse was nothing, I’ve been in countries when they’ve had economic meltdowns and it is a whole different reality: the banks close, people go out and burn the banks, police are everywhere and there is a 6,000% inflation rate so stores don’t even put prices up … that’s what real economic collapse looks like.

I think events could play out like in my book. I think the right wing could easily seize power either through an election or a fake election. I think privatization is the next big goal. If the corporates can get a pro-corporate, right wing government in power then it will play out like in the book. All our manufacturing is already offshore; if you are not making anything, where is the money? It is in services. Suddenly you can turn the highway into a service that you must pay for. Water is the service that is exploited in the book.

In this country we’ve never had a media whose sole purpose was to foment hatred like we do now. It didn’t even exist during the McCarthy era. I don’t know how well a democratic society can survive that.

AB: What do you hope to achieve with your book?

SC: I want people to wake up and realize this is what democracy is. I want people to think about what democracy is. I wanted to think about the idea of armed struggle, the idea that you can go and just get that one bad guy and take him out with a sniper rifle. This idea is very appealing on the right and the left.

There are two cautionary messages: First, once you start the path of violent resistance, you cannot control it and it comes with a lot of unintended consequences. The other message is directed at the corporate elite: “You can get everything you want, but there are some real consequences of that.” And this book is about those consequences.

Micah White is a contributing editor at Adbusters and an independent activist. He lives in Berkeley, CA and is currently writing a book about the future of activism. www.micahmwhite.com or micah (at) adbusters.org

Neoclassical Sheep Walk

Neoclassical Sheep Walk

As the old paradigm crumbles, the fatal flaws of neoclassical economics are quickly being exposed to the world. This is a time of reawakening and rebirth: the age in which a new, more chaotic, more biologically and ecologically based paradigm is struggling to be born. This is the moment to align ourselves with the mavericks – to become agitators and provocateurs. This is the moment to openly challenge our professors and their neoclassical dogma and force the world to face the havoc their models have wrought. You can start by printing off the Kick it Over Manifesto and nailing it, Martin Luther-style, to your professor’s door. Then try staging a Neoclassical Sheep Walk down the corridor of your economics department.

Make this global campus uprising unstoppable.

You can download the manifesto at kickitover.org.

In Defense of Good

In Defense of Good

Photo: Fereydoon Family - Man Holding His Thumb Under His Chin.

I‘m not a community organizer. I’m not a scientist. I’m not a journalist or someone who rallies a crowd with a powerfully moving speech. I’m not an electrician, a businessman, a mechanic or a waiter. I happen to be a designer.

I like using visual communication to convey information or to inspire people to action. I like working with different types of people from different backgrounds who have different needs and goals in our visual, media-driven culture. And I take the need for us all to be citizens in this increasingly complicated world seriously. That’s why I find it refreshing to see the good design movement really begin to take hold.

It isn’t hard to see how designers can be out of touch at times. We can come off like our only responsibility is to “the design,” that our role begins and ends there. We simply make a piece of visual communication beautiful and let the magic of the marketplace move the shoes, the Cokes/Pepsis, the coal trains. But looking at our job so narrowly – simply acting as accomplices to that derivative, that oil spill, that lust to be thin – is not a good thing. Are we comfortable being an army of little capitalists so immersed in the “free market” that we refuse to ask the tough questions and only seek to flex our aesthetic muscle?

To design for a project is to support it. What the good design movement is doing is essentially communicating our support of equality, sustainability, fairness and hope. We are stepping out of our comfort zones, looking at what exactly it is we do all day and finding opportunities to build rather than just sell. We know that design should work not only to better itself, but our communities as well – both local and global. So why is good design the target of criticism?

People often question the motives of designers who work on social projects, saying “they just want to feel better about themselves,” and it’s frustrating. What’s wrong with designers wanting to feel better about themselves and their work? Why isn’t anyone questioning the motive of designers working on Nike, Coke or Pepsi accounts? Just what do we want design to be?

Do we really want our best visual communication to be in favor of Burger King? Do we really want our finest efforts going toward shoes? Is this the rightful place for design? Should the best creative minds of our generation be so focused on high-gloss dishonesty?

I don’t think so. And it’s becoming increasingly clear that many other designers don’t think so either.

We have to get past the “we design and that’s our only responsibility” mentality. When we design, our choices matter, our intentions matter. That’s why we’re all designers anyway, right? We like to be seen and share in the world at large. All these good design efforts – professionals and students actually giving a damn about what’s happening out there and wanting to help make things better – is a profoundly good thing. Trend? Maybe. Seismic shift? Let’s hope so.

Whether we like it or not, designers do pick sides, just like fonts and color palettes. Which side are we better suited for: The fast-paced, high-gloss of a Just Do It campaign, or the slow, messy process of designing a more fair and equal place to live?

Justin Kemerling is working toward being a community activist designer, justinkemerling.com.

Canada's Media Mogul Goes Bankrupt

Canada's Media Mogul Goes Bankrupt
 

When Canwest – Canada’s largest media conglomerate and Adbusters’ longtime adversary – filed for court protection against creditors earlier this month, the company left a lot of people high and dry. In addition to the long line of creditors the company is trying to default on, dozens of recently laid off employees will lose their promised severance packages, 80 non-union retirees will lose their health benefits and 120 former employees are facing reduced pensions.

Oh well, times are tough. Everybody’s taking a hit right now, right?

Wrong. Three Canwest directors, four top executives and 13 other senior members of Canwest management will PROFIT from this mess, splitting $9.8 million in Key Employee Retention Plan bonuses. That’s in addition to their already exorbitant salaries. So in one of the most baffling phenomena to come out of this current economic crisis, the very execs who drove the company into the ground are being paid millions of dollars to stay. Everyone else is simply out of luck.

This outrage is the latest hurdle in our protracted battle against Canwest and would-be media mogul Leonard Asper. We’ve been fighting Leonard in court for years, battling for the right of Canadian citizens to access their own public airwaves under the same rules and conditions as corporations and ad agencies do. It’s been a long, hard and expensive fight but finally, last April, a BC Court of Appeals overturned previous rulings and declared that television airtime may indeed constitute the “public space” we have claimed it to be. The ruling cleared the way for us to move forward against media corporations like Canwest that refuse to sell airtime for citizen-produced messages.

Canwest fought back with a technical challenge. They knew they couldn’t defeat us on the principle of free speech so they went after our pocketbook, hoping to tie us up in nonsense litigation and deplete our modest coffers. But in September, we won again. The Supreme Court of Canada dismissed Canwest’s challenge and gave us the green light to pursue our case in the lower courts. The courts also ruled that Canwest is liable for a portion of Adbusters’ legal costs.

But suddenly Canwest is out of money. And Adbusters joins the ranks of employees and creditors the media giant is refusing to pay. But we’re looking at the bright side of things … it seems Asper’s media empire (the one he inherited from daddy) is beginning to crumble. And any blow against his biased, autocratic rule is worth the money. With Conrad Black in jail and Asper on the run, we may finally be on the road to ending media tyranny in Canada once and for all!

For the Wild, Kalle

The Peace Process

Palestine is eroded piece by piece.

The Peace Process

The corporate media in the West have successfully manufactured the public belief that only the violence of non-state actors should be considered terrorism. It requires a great deal of mental discipline to deny the fact that any act perpetrated to instill terror can legitimately be considered terrorism. State terrorism is the use of military force and secret police tactics against domestic and foreign opponents of a state. State terror tactics have traditionally included outright invasions, air strikes, Special Forces operations, assassination programs, kidnappings, arbitrary imprisonments, extrajudicial killings, torture and the direct support of brutal regimes.


The Strategic Value of Maintaining Strife in the Middle East


It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that the US government has no interest in a genuine two-state solution for the Israelis and Palestinians. The US government seems dedicated to supporting the normalization of permanent strife in the Middle East to justify their military and economic presence in the region. The established US record of supporting military dictators like Saddam Hussein and religious despots like the king of Saudi Arabia have consistently fostered discontent and resentment in the region. There is evidence reported in a January 2008 edition of the Ottawa Citizen indicating that the Muslim world does not hate the US for cultural reasons but instead deeply resents American interference in issues like the endless Palestinian/Israeli conflict. According to political scientists Peter Furia and Russell Lucas, “[we found] … no evidence that ordinary Arabs resent countries [the US] for what they are, and considerable evidence that they resent them for what they do.” This evidence contradicts George Bush’s facile claim that Muslims hate Western freedom so much that they feel obliged to destroy the secular world.


Occupation and the Continuing Erosion of Ever-Tenuous Palestinian Sovereignty


The seizure of Palestinian territory has traditionally been accomplished in intentionally stealthy increments. It started long before the creation of modern Israel following the annexation of Palestine in 1948. As Noam Chomsky describes in Failed States: The Abuse of Power and the Assault on Democracy: “Those familiar with the history of Zionism will recognize the method, dating back to the 1920s: ‘dunam [settlement] after dunam,’ arousing as little attention as possible.” The modern equivalent was expressed in the 1996 comments of then Israeli housing minister, Benjamin Ben-Eliezer, when he described Israeli expansion into the West Bank: “I build quietly. My goal is to build and not encourage opposition to my efforts. What is important to me is to build, build, build and build some more.” The Israeli government, with full US support, has traditionally chosen this subtle and gradual path of seizing Palestinian lands and, perhaps more importantly, water resources. It continues to this day, generally with either US indifference or mild rebukes. This is the reality of what is euphemistically referred to as the peace process.


Peace is Possible


A two-state solution recognizing the mutual right to national self-determination is the only reasonable solution to the Palestinian/Israeli divide. Only the US government has the power and influence to generate this reality. Only the US has the military authority to ensure that established borders and agreements be respected. Only the US has sufficient influence over the United Nations to convince Israel to accept UN peacekeeping forces on its territory in a buffer zone between Israeli territory and Palestinian territory and to ensure a fair allocation of water and natural resources between Palestinian and Israeli.


Morgan Duchesney is a Canadian writer and martial arts instructor with an interest in social justice and international affairs. He has published work on the war in Afghanistan, Canadian democracy, the Canadian banking system and various martial arts topics. He holds an MA in Political Economy from Carleton University in Ottawa. Read the full text of this essay at honeybadgerpress.ca/articles.

Reality Is Imagined

We must dispel immediately the notion that our mental environment is unique to each individual.

Reality Is Imagined

The curious interplay between our imagination and external reality gives credence to the argument that the struggles over the mental environment are the future of activism. By protecting our mental environment we change external reality more quickly than any number of direct actions. But to make such an argument in today’s materialist, secular and scientific world requires the courage to imagine a different way of thinking.

Three hundred and seventy years ago, René Descartes sat down in a comfortable chair, with a candlestick on his table and his feet warmed by a fire. Closing his eyes, he gave free reign to his imagination. “What can I know for sure,” he wondered, “if I doubt everything?”

Modern philosophy began in this moment, with Descartes leading us through a series of thought experiments in which the rejection of all dubious knowledge leads him to discover the only knowable fact, famously expressed as “cogito, ergo sum”: I think, therefore I am. The freedom to imagine and to doubt all conventional wisdom and traditional truths was, thus, the first step in building our modern world-view.

The primacy of imagination in the construction of modern philosophy cannot be denied. A well-known criticism of Descartes’ imagination experiment is that it divorced the mind from the body and drew a barrier between the internal world of thoughts and the external world of reality. This mind-body separation occurs in Descartes because of his will to accept only what is absolutely knowable. To prove that the mind makes mistakes and cannot be trusted, he utilizes his imagination to interact with and falsify external reality.

Take, for example, an odd moment where Descartes imagines robots walking the streets. Near the end of his Second Meditation he writes, “if I look out of the window and see men crossing the square, as I just happen to have done, I normally say that I see the men themselves… Yet do I see any more than hats and coats which could conceal automatons? I judge that they are men. And so something which I thought I was seeing with my eyes is in fact grasped solely by the faculty of judgment which is in my mind.” In this moment of uncanny apprehension, seeing a man but imagining him to be an automaton, Descartes asks for certainty and rejects the evidence of his eyes because it can be influenced by the wanderings of his mind.

But what if he had not asked for certainty, had set aside the principle of non-contradiction, and accepted that what he saw at first as men were later automatons and then men again. In other words, what if we affirmed the position that imagination is constitutive of reality, not as a corrupting force but as an indispensable aspect.

If only Descartes had known how to imagine with his eyes open. The power of our imagination is so great that, even without the aid of hallucinogenic drugs, we can choose to see things that are not present or change the color of an object that is (as Edmund Husserl documented phenomenologically). Likewise, Martin Heidegger writes in Being and Time that our moods color the world around us. For example, on a bad day it seems as if the world is darker, the trees are weeping and the clouds grimacing. But if we suddenly get some good news, the world lightens up and the clouds look more like smiling faces than menacing grimaces. Thus, if our moods are being artificially influenced – through advertising, for example – we can expect that our external reality will also be influenced. From the perspective of mental environmentalism the concern is not with the imagination’s impact on external reality but on external reality’s impact on imagination.

We must dispel immediately the notion that our mental environment is unique to each individual. Just as we share our natural environment, we also share our mental environment, which is crafted through the culture we consume – the television shows we watch, the websites we frequent and the symbols and concepts that comprise our thoughts. (Heidegger referred to this shared aspect as our “they-self”.) Thus, the mental environment is not something entirely within us but is instead something that is outside of our complete control and shared among a culture. The danger, and opportunity, here is obvious. If there is no strict division between my internal world and the external world and if I am not in complete control over my internal world then the way the world appears to me is contestable.

In other words, if we engage in an activism of mental environmentalism it need not be construed as a politics of solipsism, or an attempt to dodge the imperative of “direct action”. Instead, developing another way of thinking that places the role of imagination back into the forefront and denies the right of corporations to influence our mental environment may be the most effective strategy of cultural insurrection in the twenty-first century because it directly influences the manifestation of our natural environment.

Micah White is a Contributing Editor at Adbusters and an independent activist. He lives in Berkeley, CA and is currently writing a book about the future of activism. www.micahmwhite.com or micah (at) adbusters.org

Commercial Breakers TV Spot

Commercial Breakers TV Spot

Music by Remano Eszildn, motion graphics by Alex Kurina.


We’re continuing our campaign for media democracy with a series of subvertisements aimed at disrupting the promotion of overconsumption and attacking the legitimacy of advertising. We want the right to broadcast these subverts and we’re willing to pay, but the major networks aren’t willing to air them. So far FOX has officially rejected our first spot, COMMERCIAL BREAKERS, and MTV has cut off communication entirely.

The idea behind COMMERCIAL BREAKERS is simply to sabotage the meaning of advertising and undermine the power of brands. The average TV ad presents the consumer with a crisis: a crisis of identity, a crisis of hunger, a messy floor, an unsightly blemish or erectile dysfunction. The crisis is always a crisis of choice, but there is only one choice: the product being advertised. Each ad expresses an individual brand’s vision of utopia; a perfect world constructed around a singular message: if you buy the product being advertised, you will be happy and content … if only for a moment.

This consumer utopia – beamed into our consciousness 24/7 – is a distraction from our real crisis, be it existential, spiritual, environmental, economic or political. And so rather than interpret advertising as a choice between colas or a choice between brands, we seek to reinterpret it as a choice between the real and the artificial. It’s not Pepsi vs. Coke, it’s Cool Diet Cola vs. Climate Doom.

After a string of legal victories against Canadian television networks, we are now determined to take on NBC, CBS, ABC, FOX and MTV in American courts. In order to make this happen in the near future, we need our legal war chest filled. It’s a tough and expensive game going head to head with these giant corporations in court, but we refuse to back down.

How else can you help? Agitate FOX and MTV and help us spread COMMERCIAL BREAKERS on the web. If you’re a twitter user, throw a #fuckfox hash tag on your tweets. Make your own viral subvertisements, memes or mindbombs and launch them anywhere and everywhere you see fit.

The Unacknowledged Test

The Unacknowledged Test

Experts agree that we are experiencing perilous climate change that calls the fate of our experiment in civilization into question. As severe weather strikes one continent and mysterious die-offs occur in another, the death rattle of the natural environment grows louder. “Where have all the fireflies gone?” we wonder, and then the scientists confirm that they have noted their absence as well. Once the so-called experts step in and the media assures us that abnormal things are indeed happening, we suppress our alarm and resume sleepwalking through ironic consumption. Is this the only way we can experience climate change?

“Experience” is a word we use everyday so it should be easy to define what it means. Some would argue that to experience climate change is to acknowledge its existence. They see experience as living through an event, and they hope to weather what awaits by maintaining the lifestyle that brought us this historical, ecological moment. Those who treat an experience as something to be survived see climate change as something that can be dealt with using the tools of advanced technology, international diplomacy and public education campaigns. “We can get through this,” might be their admirable motto and most of our society could be counted as their supporters.

But “experience” has another meaning that we ought to consider. The words “experiment,” “expert” and “experience” are related: an expert is often someone who gains experience through experiments. The expert need not be a scientist; we also gain experience by submitting ourselves to life-experiments like outdoor adventures, risky activism or dangerous thinking. After one of these experiences, we’ve transformed ourselves and come closer to our full potential. Experience, it seems, has some connection to a test that puts our self into question.

It may not be a surprise to learn that the common root which “expert,” “experiment” and “experience” share is the Latin word experiri, which means “to put to the test.” In fact, we can go one step further and say that every experience is a dangerous test. I do not say this without cause but instead am referring back to the Latin root experiri, which comes from periculum meaning test, trial, risk, danger or, as it is commonly translated: peril. The other meaning of the word experience is thus to be in peril.

Those who understand experience in this second sense will grasp climate change as a perilous existential and civilizational trial. Nature, via climate change, is charging us with ecocide and we must respond if we want to avoid the death sentence. It is no defense to cling to life as it was before today in the hopes of surviving the weather of tomorrow – that is merely blind denial to the trial taking place.

Instead, we must put our selves, our minds, our souls and our way of life under review. We can respond to the charges brought against us only by renouncing the industrial, consumerist worldview that brought us to this catastrophic point. To experience climate change is to be called to take part in an experiment after which the world as we know it is forever changed.

Micah White is a contributing editor at Adbusters and an independent activist. He is writing a book on the future of activism. www.micahmwhite.com or micah (at) adbusters.org

An Ominous Double Standard

An Ominous Double Standard

While the US and the UN contemplate imposing harsh sanctions against Iran over its nuclear program, Israel continues to maintain a not-so-secret nuclear weapons plant at Dimona. Take a 3D tour …

World Carfree Day

Bring an end to humanity’s toxic love affair with the car.

World Carfree Day

As the temperature climbs, the smog builds and our future grows increasingly uncertain, the time has come to end humanity’s toxic love affair with the car. We’ve become shackled to the idea of automobiles; forgetting the feeling of joy and independence that relying on our own two feet can bring. We’ve forgotten the excitement, dynamism and sense of human solidarity that riding shoulder to shoulder on public transportation can inspire. All along we’ve believed that our cars have set us free, but they have actually made us less so. An endless parade of solitary figures confined within blocks of metal and glass, we’ve become isolated not only from each other, but from our sense of responsibility to the natural world. World Carfree Day is chance to experience what our cities look, feel and sound like without cars. So join your fellow residents and leave your car in park this September 22.

Find out some background about World Carfree Day and check out events happening in your area on the World Carfree Network.

Carbusters magazine offers in-depth critiques of car culture and explores alternatives, carbusters.org.

James Howard Kunstler outlines how the coming age of energy scarcity will necessitate the breakdown of car culture, “We Must Imagine a Future Without Cars,” AlterNet.

An inspiring example of a car-free community, “In German Suburb, Life Goes On Without Cars,” New York Times.

Check out how some San Francisco activists are transforming parking spaces into public parks.

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